LEKE BAIYEWU examines the implication of the ongoing crisis in the Eighth National Assembly on the new administration
Analysts say the problem with the APC is
not how to become successful; it is how to manage its successes. The
APC had a very successful outing in the 2015 general elections. It was
an opposition party that beat the ruling party which had been in power
since 1999.
There had been reports of clashes of
interests, especially among the power brokers in the APC over the
sharing of the spoils from its victory in the 2015 general elections.
These political gladiators, it is believed, have their eyes fixed on who
becomes what in President Muhammadu Buhari’s cabinet and in the
National Assembly.
Amid the growing tension in the APC over
the presidency of the Senate and speakership of the House of
Representatives, the ruling party, which has the majority in both
chambers, had conducted mock elections on June 6.
While Bukola Saraki, Yakubu Dogara and
their supporters boycotted the shadow elections, the party had announced
Ahmad Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila as its sole candidates for Senate
presidency and House speakership, respectively.
Saraki and Dogara, who had vowed to defy
their party by mounting a challenge against the chosen candidates,
carried out their threats and emerged winners of the coveted seats.
At the Senate, Saraki emerged the
president of the upper chamber in what many have described as a
calculated ‘coup’ staged in connivance with members of the opposition
PDP.
Saraki, a former Governor Kwara State
and Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, emerged unopposed shortly
after the Clerk of the National Assembly, Salisu Maikasuwa,
proclaimed the Eighth Senate into existence.
The APC lawmakers had on the D-Day
converged on the International Conference Centre in Abuja for a 9am
meeting called by the leadership of the APC, in which Buhari was to
address them. The inauguration of the eighth National Assembly was
scheduled to hold at 10 am.
The late-minute decision by the
President to address the rebellious lawmakers from his party, however,
boomeranged as Saraki, his supporters and members of other parties – 57
of them – went on with the election, while the APC senators were still
waiting for Buhari at the venue. Shortly before 11am, news filtered in
that the Senate had been inaugurated and that Saraki had emerged the
Senate President unopposed.
The Senate is made up of 109 senators.
The APC has 60 of the senators, while the PDP has 49. The APC
senators-elect are now 59, after the death of Ahmed Zannah from Borno
State.
There were 57 senators in the chamber
when the election was conducted but the number increased to 76 when the
Clerk of the National Assembly was about to superintend the conduct of
the election of the Deputy President of the Senate.
Senator George Sekibo had nominated the
former occupant of the office, Senator Ike Ekweremadu for the position.
His nomination was seconded by Senator Olaka Nwogu. Ekweremadu polled 54
votes to defeat Aliyu Ndume, the nominee of the APC, who scored 20
votes. Ekweremadu was consequently returned to the office he occupied in
the Seventh Senate.
The APC, after Saraki and Dogara emerged leaders of the National Assembly, kicked against the outcome of the polls.
In a statement by its National Publicity
Secretary, Lai Mohammed, the APC said, “The party duly met and
conducted a straw poll and clear candidates emerged for the posts of
Senate President, the Deputy Senate President and the Speaker of the
House of Representatives, supported by a majority of all senators-elect
and members-elect of the House of Representatives.
“All National Assembly members-elect who
emerged on the platform of the party are bound by that decision. The
party is supreme and its interest is superior to that of its individual
members.”
At the House of Representatives, Dogara
defeated Gbajabiamila, former Minority Leader of the House and adopted
candidate of the APC, in a keenly contested poll.
The odd had been in Gbajabiamila’s
favour to win the poll until the tables turned against him. Dogara
polled 182 votes while Gbajabiamila scored 174, out of the 358 total
cast ballots to beat the former Minority Leader. Two ballots were voided
in the election conducted under the watch of the National Assembly
Clerk.
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Dogara and Gbajabiamila |
In the House of Representatives, the APC has 213 out of the 360 members.
Mohammed Mungono was the ruling party’s choice as Deputy Speaker but Yusuf Lasun beat him with 203 votes to 153.
There are different views about the drama that played out at the National Assembly.
According to a school of thought, it was
pay-back time for the APC, whose members, as the minority in the House
of Representatives then, refused to vote Mrs. Mulikat Akande-Adeola who
was the candidate of the ruling PDP, as the Speaker despite that the
slot was for the South-West geopolitical zone.
The APC lawmakers had joined forces with
some aggrieved lawmakers in the PDP to elect Aminu Tambuwal from the
North-West. Tambuwal would later dump the PDP for the APC and retain his
speakership seat until he was elected Governor of Sokoto State on the
same platform.
Another set of analysts have drawn
attention to the fact that the blocks that merged to form the APC still
have caucuses within the party, which also have their individual
political goals.
The defunct Action Congress of Nigeria
led by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu; the Congress for Progressive Change led by
Buhari; the All Nigeria Peoples Party led by Ogbonaya Onu; a faction of
the All Progressives Grand Alliance led by Governor Rochas Okorocha of
Imo State, as well as a breakaway faction of aggrieved PDP members known
as the New PDP had merged to form the party.
The New PDP came into the APC with five
serving governors. They were Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Aliyu Wamakko
(Sokoto), Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Rabiu Kwankwanso (Kano) and
Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara). The prominent individuals in this group
include former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar; former PDP National
Chairman, Abubakar Baraje; and Saraki, among others.
Members of this group had rebelled against the PDP, citing alleged injustices meted out on them.
Now that they are in the APC, members of
the New PDP caucus were said to have complained about the party’s
sharing formula for the political offices, which they found
unfavourable. This included slots for elective offices in the 2015
election and political appointments after the poll.
Some political analysts are also seeing
internal sabotage in the APC. Those who claim to be reading between the
lines strongly believe that Saraki may be enjoying the backing of some
leaders of the APC, especially northerners, who may want to whittle down
Tinubu’s influence in the party.
This school of thought draws attention to the sharp division in the reactions from within the APC to the Saraki-Dogara coup.
For instance, the APC had rejected Saraki and Dogara as the leaders of the Assembly.
On the contrary, President Muhammadu
Buhari and former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, issued separate
statements shortly after, commending the elections, while the latter
specifically congratulated the winners.
The past Speaker of the House and Governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal, had also congratulated the winners.
Buhari, in a statement issued by his
Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, restated the his
earlier stance that he did not have any preferred candidates for the
Senate and the House of Representatives leadership positions; that he
was willing to work with whoever the lawmakers elected.
Atiku, a national leader of the party, congratulated Saraki and Dogara through a statement.
In a clearer view of the division
between the APC and some of its leaders, a former Speaker of the House
of Representatives, Umar Ghali-Na’Abba, who defected from the PDP to the
APC to become a member of the Board of Trustees a few months ago,
applauded the rebellious lawmakers for rejecting imposition by some
powerbrokers.
Na’Abba, who spoke on behalf of former
speakers and other ex-principal officers of the House of Representatives
during their visit to Dogara on Wednesday, advised the leadership of
the APC to accept the election of the Speaker.
He said, “What happened yesterday was an
effort by lawmakers of both the APC and the PDP to ensure their
independence as lawmakers. Whatever must have happened, the new
leadership must not be castigated and scorned but should be seen as a
means of charting a new legislative course for the benefit of all
Nigerians.”
Indications had emerged on Wednesday that the APC might sanction the rebellious lawmakers.
Sources within the ruling party had said
Atiku allegedly colluded with Saraki to undermine the will of the
party, while Tambuwal supported Dogara as his successor. The suspicion
of the party’s leadership was said to have been reignited by the fact
that Atiku was the first person Saraki visited after emerging as Senate
President, apparently to thank the former presidential aspirant.
The APC was said to have been aware of
moves by the PDP to secure principal offices in the National Assembly
over a month ago, which made it to select staunch members of the ruling
party – Lawan and Gbajabiamila – as its candidates. The APC was also
said to have known that the PDP would approach its old members to
actualise this plan.
Observers of events on that particular
day, however, blamed the APC for handling the issue with levity.
According to them, the ruling party should have converged on the
National Assembly Complex — possibly before their opponents’ arrival –
rather than be somewhere else at such critical moment. This, perhaps,
might have changed the situation, they said.
As the rage continued, the Presidency
had absolved Buhari of any complicity in the matter. Adesina stated that
the APC leadership, not Buhari, convened the botched meeting at the
ICC. The APC National Publicity Secretary, Lai Mohammed, also confirmed
that it was the party that invited its lawmakers to the meeting.
Nevertheless, political analysts said
peace might not return to the National Assembly, especially the Senate,
soon. Those who lost out in the contest felt cheated and they are
protesting their exclusion.
Apparently in an attempt to manage the
brouhaha over the new leadership, both chambers of the Assembly have
gone on recess – till June 23 — perhaps, to allow the tension to cool
down and for fence mending.
In the House of Representatives,
Gbajabiamila however, congratulated Dogara moments after the results
were announced by embracing the new Speaker and shaking hands with him.
Members of the House had erupted in jubilation thereafter.
Dogara, in his inaugural speech, said,
“What has been demonstrated here today is the resolve of members of the
House to assert the independence of the legislature as a co-equal arm of
government. We have shown once again that this is a House of the
Nigerian people.
“I salute the doggedness and service of
Gbajabiamila, who fought a good fight and who has served this House and
the nation with distinction. Together, we will heal the wounds and
divisions of this contest. Together we shall work to deliver good
legislation and good government to our people.”
Later on when the group of ex-House
leaders led by Na’Abba visited him, Dogara, who described his emergence
as Speaker as a miracle, said he would ensure that the Lower House
remained stable.
He said, “Talk about healing the wounds
and divisions that had been caused by yesterday’s event, I assure you
that we have been together and we know ourselves. We will come together
and mend walls because some people may feel that they have lost. I want
to tell them that they have not lost anything, as this remains a
leadership that is for all.”
In the Senate, however, the end to the
crisis is not in sight. On Wednesday, the Senate President, Bukola
Saraki, administered oaths of office and allegiance on Lawan and 27
other APC senators who were absent at the formal inauguration of the
Senate. These were different from the 23 APC senators who were part of
Saraki’s inauguration earlier on Tuesday.
Thereafter,
the senators, who are loyal to the APC and Lawan, under the auspices of
the Senate Unity Forum led by Lawan, after staging a walk-out on the
chamber, threatened to take a legal action against the election of
Saraki. According to them, the process did not follow due constitutional
procedure.
The leader of the SUF, Senator Barnabas
Gemade, had led members of the group to stage a walkout in the chambers.
The former Chairman of the PDP decried that 51 senators were not
allowed to take part in the election of the Senate president because
they were waiting for President Buhari at a meeting at the ICC.
Gemade stated that his group would, very
soon, challenge the alleged illegality in court, “since it takes
two-third of members to impeach the Senate president, two-third of the
members should also have been in attendance before he was elected on
Tuesday.”
He added, “The Clerk of the National
Assembly, knowing full well that the quorum for election of the Senate
president has not been met, went ahead to conduct an election that shuts
the door on about 51 other senators, which would remain unacceptable
until what would meet democratic parameters was done.”
The group of senators loyal to Saraki,
under the auspices of the Like Minds Senators, however, maintained that
due process was followed in his election as Senate president.
Senator Dino Melaye, in company with
four others at a press conference, also dared the SUF members to
challenge the action in court, claiming the case lacked necessary merit.
Rather than address the issues in the Senate, he urged Dogara and other
leaders of the Lower House to quickly put the election behind them by
mending fences and embracing the losers.
“What we need now is reconciliation
because the House, as it is now, is divided. And I believe the process
should not be difficult,” Melaye added.
Surprisingly, the APC made a U-turn on
Friday to accept Saraki as Senate President. The National Chairman of
the party, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, said the reality was that Saraki’s
colleagues had duly elected him and the party was ready to live with the
reality. “Of course, he has been duly elected by his colleagues. We
have a reality and we must live with it,” he said.
Assessing the situation in the National
Assembly, a federal lawmaker in the defunct Second Republic, Dr. Junaid
Mohammed, said as far as the lawmakers and Nigerian politicians were
concerned, people should not go by what they see on the surface. “There
is more, which goes below the surface. And the more you look the less
you see,” he said.
Mohammed, who is the Convener of
Coalition of Northern Politicians, Academics, Professionals and
Businessmen, said, “What is clear is this: These members of the Eighth
Assembly do not want to think and understand that in politics, you do
not go only by the law but by some conventions, which are deemed to be
honourable. A member of a party cannot sabotage his party, if he is
truly a member of that party.
“Where you want to hold an important
election, it is important to allow maximum time and convenience for
those who are entitled to vote, not when majority of the members are
holding a meeting. It does no good and speaks volumes about the elements
of bad faith which seem to be the driving sceptre in Nigerian politics.
I do not see any justification why people who lost an election fair and
square would now come and finance ‘factionalisation’ of the party.
“Also, the President of the Senate
cannot be elected on the basis of votes majorly from the opposition
party (PDP). The only honourable thing for him (Saraki) is either to
re-join the party he defected from or he should resign.”
In his submission, the Executive
Director, Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, Mr.
Adetokunbo Mumuni, said the electorate had nothing to lose due to the
crisis between the lawmakers.
He said, “Since they have been in the
Assembly purportedly legislating, have they ever done something that
aggregates to the interest of Nigerians generally? I do not see how
their crisis will affect Nigerians, except when the President submits
the names of minister-nominees; they may not be on ground to approve it.
Without the political appointees, the civil servants who are the engine
room of administration can continue to do their work.”
Mumuni further recalled that the Seventh
Senate had over four years to pass several bills but had to pass 46
bills within 10 minutes on the eve of its expiration. “That is a record
anywhere in the world and that is to tell you how unserious they
(lawmakers) can be,” he said.
The human rights activist said it was
good that the executive had not been involved in the crisis, adding that
should the legislature fail to pass necessary bills, the executive
should also withhold bills of the lawmakers’ emoluments.
Speaking on the expectation of the
electorate from the lawmakers, Mumuni said the governed should continue
to hold the government accountable and keep it on its toes. “It is not
too late in the day for them (lawmakers) to wrap up these issues and
start behaving like mature people who have the interest of Nigerians at
heart.
“The Buhari-led administration is just
about three weeks old. We should still give them some time but we should
be on their neck. While we want to tolerate them and be patient with
them, we must also continue to harass them so that they do not sleep
off. We must continue to remind them of their promises. After three
months, they should tell us what has changed. By November, they should
tell us what has changed in six months. We need to start asking them
questions monthly or quarterly,” he added.
Even though the development might have
altered political calculations within the APC, it seems to have balanced
the distribution of the top political offices among the geo-political
zones.
For instance, the President is from the
North-West; the Vice President, South-West; the Senate President,
North-Central; the Speaker of the House of Representatives, North-East.
The Deputy Senate President is from the South-East, while the Deputy
Speaker of the House of Representatives represents the South-West. The
South-South is taking solace in the fact that Chief John Odigie-Oyegun
is the National Chairman of the ruling party.
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